Israel's Ascendant Right Wing May Still Lead to Middle Ground | Opinion

As Israel's Netanyahu government is formed, some in America have lamented the demise of the Jewish State as we know it, believing its extreme right wing parties will set it reeling off course.

It reminds me of the bold cover story of Look Magazine back in 1964. The blaring title read "The Vanishing American Jew." By 1971 Look Magazine had vanished and American Jewry was stronger than ever.

This does not mean that there are no concerns. If I were a citizen of Israel, I would have cast my ballot for a more centrist party. I oppose the sentiments of the extreme right wing Religious Zionist party together with the Kahanist Otzmah Yehudit.

As one who had a long association with Rabbi Meir Kahane, I know firsthand of the dangers of extremism. At first Kahane had an enormous influence on my life, inspiring me to do all I could to defend world Jewry. In time, however, I became a strong critic of his plans to expel Arabs from Israel as well as his biting critique of non-orthodox Jewry. And so, Otzmah Yehudit head Ben Gvir, a disciple of Kahane, deeply worries me.

A Right-Wing Coalition
Far-right Israeli lawmaker Itamar Ben Gvir speaks to the press before a party meeting on Nov. 28, in Jerusalem, Israel. Amir Levy/Getty Images

And I'm similarly concerned about the haredi (ultra-Orthodox) religious parties who will join Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's coalition. They reject non-Orthodox Jewry and my own commitment to a more modern and open Orthodoxy, which has led to my serious personal clashes with the Israeli Chief Rabbinate.

Notwithstanding these concerns, Israeli election results have made me proud of Israel as a Jewish democratic state. Visiting Israel during the election, I spent hours glued to the TV, jumping from one Israeli channel to another, watching heated debates on the results. In the pattern of CNN and Fox, there were women and men seated around a table strongly presenting their different opinions, often talking over each other. This could never happen in Saudi Arabia or Iran or the Palestinian Authority where President Mahmoud Abbas is in his 17th year of a four-year term. In those places, of course, there are rarely any elections and government critics are quickly dispatched.

This is not the first time that political pundits have asserted that a newly elected Israeli right-wing government will spiral out of control. In a parliamentary system such as Israel's, often, extreme activists on the right or left must mellow once in government in order to keep the coalition alive.

To wit: the legendary first Israeli right-wing prime minister, Menachem Begin, whose name Time magazine quickly pointed out rhymes with "Fagin," the Jewish scoundrel in Dickens' Oliver Twist, turned out to be a peacemaker as he withdrew from Sinai and signed the Camp David Accords. Soon after, Begin shared the Nobel Peace Prize with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat. Ariel Sharon, a fabled rightist and ardent supporter of the settlement movement, unilaterally withdrew from Gaza once becoming prime minister. And Benjamin Netanyahu, in his first prime ministerial victory was labeled an extremist, even as he went on to relinquish 80 percent of Hebron to the Palestinians. Over two decades later he signed the Abraham Accords with several Arab nations.

Indeed, it remains to be seen how activist Ben Gvir will carry himself once he is part of the government. In the end his party, together with the Religious Zionists, represent a bit more than 11 percent of the electorate.

And it is possible—if he contains Palestinian terrorism and dramatically reduces intra-Arab violence in Israel, which this year has reached almost 100 murders—he will emerge with an even stronger following.

Rather than vilify the Israeli electorate for shifting rightward, one should try and empathize with the voters, to understand why they vote the way they do. Chief among these reasons is that in recent months, there's been a significant uptick of terrorist attacks in Israel, galvanizing the people to demand a government that prioritizes law and order.

An example of this security prioritization is taking place in Efrat, a city of 14,000 just south of Jerusalem. A large number of its residents, including my children and grandchildren, emigrated to Israel from America, often from centrist and left-wing backgrounds. And yet, 48 percent of Efrat voted for Ben Gvir and his Religious Zionist allies, nearly doubling its count from the previous election in March 2021.

But, living in Efrat, one mile from where U.S. citizen Ari Fuld was murdered in cold blood, and Ezra Schwartz, an American student studying in yeshiva, was gunned down, quite understandably moves people to the right. This is not reflective of non-democratic values, but a need to assure the security and safety of one's own family.

For me and millions like myself, Israel is a dream. There is a difference between dream and reality. Dream is the hope for a glorious, almost perfect future. Reality, by definition, includes successes and, inevitably, concerns and disappointments.

The challenge: when disappointment sets in, never forget the dream. Once you forget the dream, you'll never be able to handle the reality.

Yes, Israel, like all countries, faces formidable challenges. But it will prevail and continue to thrive. The dream, along with its complex reality, continues to live on.

Avi Weiss is founding rabbi of the Hebrew Institute of Riverdale - the Bayit, and a longtime advocate for Israel, Jewish causes and human rights. His thematic commentary on the bible, Loving Torah, is scheduled for publication this spring.

The views expressed in this article are the writer's own.

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Newsweek is committed to challenging conventional wisdom and finding connections in the search for common ground.

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Avi Weiss


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